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Informationen zum Autor Cedric Boeckx is Assistant Professor of Linguistics and a member of the Mind/Brain/Behavior Interfaculty Initiative at Harvard University. He is the author of Islands and Chains (2003)! Linguistic Minimalism (2006)! and numerous articles in journals such as Linguistic Inquiry and Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Klappentext Understanding Minimalist Syntax introduces the logic of the minimalist program by analyzing well-known descriptive generalizations about long-distance dependencies, and asks why they should be true of natural languages. This text proposes a new theory of how long-distance dependencies are formed, with implications for theories of locality, and the minimalist program as a whole.Experts working in the field will appreciate it's rich empirical coverage, and advanced undergraduate and graduate students will find it an accessible introduction to the minimalist program. Zusammenfassung Understanding Minimalist Syntax introduces the logic of the minimalist program by analyzing well-known descriptive generalizations about long-distance dependencies, and asks why they should be true of natural languages. Inhaltsverzeichnis Acknowledgments.1. Introductory Remarks.1.1. The Framework.1.2. Outline of the Book: Goals and Structure.2. The Marks of Successive Cyclicity (The What-Question).2.1. Subjacency and the Emergence of Successive Cyclicity.2.2. The Evidence.2.2.1. Syntax.2.2.2. Morphology.2.2.3. Phonology.2.2.4. Semantics.2.2.5. Morpho-syntactic Evidence from Overtly Stranded Pieces.2.3. A-movement.2.4. Conclusion.3. The Distribution of Intermediate Landing Sites (The Where-Question).3.1. Punctuated vs. Uniform Paths.3.2. The Difficulties Faced by Punctuated Path Hypotheses.3.2.1. Phases: An Overview.3.2.2. Conceptual Arguments for Phases.3.2.3. Arguments against Phases.3.2.4. Old Problems for Phases.3.2.5. No Empirical Argument for Phases.3.3. Conclusion.4. The Timing of Intermediate Steps of Movement (The When-Question).4.1. Early vs. Late Successive Cyclicity.4.2. Takahashi (1994).4.3. The Evidence for Early Successive Cyclic Movement.4.3.1. Background Information on Applicatives.4.3.2. The Need for Early Successive Cyclic Movement.4.4. Potential Arguments for Late Successive Cyclic Movement.4.4.1. Sub-extraction out of a Moved Element.4.4.2. Intervening Traces.4.4.3. Object Agreement.4.5. Conclusion.5. The Motivation for Intermediate Movement Steps (The Why-Question).5.1. Last Resort.5.2. Problematic Cases.5.2.1. Concord.5.2.2. Successive Cyclicity.5.3. Anti-locality.5.4. Anti-locality and Successive Cyclicity.5.5. Anti-locality and Last Resort.5.6. The Why-Question.5.7. Conclusion.6. Alternative Views on Successive Cyclicity.6.1. TAG-based Accounts.6.2. An Agreement-based Account.6.3. Prolific Domains.6.4. Greed-based Approaches.6.5. Conclusion.7. Successive Cyclicity and Other Aspects of Locality.7.1. The Standard View on Islands.7.2. Puzzles for the Standard View.7.2.1. Movement, Freezing, and Escape Hatch.7.2.2. Island by Default?.7.2.3. Island-obviation.7.3. Ross's View.7.4. Agreement and Islandhood.7.5. Conclusion.8. Concluding Remarks.References.Index...
