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"It would be an understatement to say that the fate of Mercedes-Benz in China has undergone drastic changes over the past 50 years. In Mao's China in the 1970s, Mercedes cars were a rarity, and only the very top government officials rode in them. During that period, my family and I lived in a government-military compound in the capital city of Hebei Province, Shijiazhuang. The compound also housed some ten villas for provincial heads and generals. Of the ten top officials, only one general had a Mercedes sedan, which was given to him as a used car. Back then most Mercedes cars in China were brought from Chinese embassies in foreign countries after the ambassadors used them first. The chauffer of the general in the compound was generous in blowing the car's distinctive horn. Hearing the horn and seeing the car was a big privilege for me to brag about with my friends who did not get to live in the compound"--
List of contents
1. Introduction: Who lost China?; Part I. The Advantage of Low Human Rights: 2. The political foundation of China's competitiveness and its failure to democratize; 3. China's legal system is not about the rule of law: The advantages and limits of the relation-based system; 4. Mao plus Deng: A highly aggressive and productive culture; Part II. The Rise of China, Inc.: 5. The emergence of China, inc.; 6. China's industrial policy as a corporate strategy of China, Inc; Part III. China, inc.'s Achilles' Heel and the World's Response: 7. The Chinese communist party's dilemmas and solutions; 8. Open societies versus closed regime: Who needs whom more?; 9. Policy and strategic options for the governments and firms in the democracies; References; Index.
About the author
Shaomin Li is Professor and Eminent Scholar at Old Dominion University. His research has appeared in Harvard Business Review, The Economist, The Wall Street Journal, and The Financial Times. He is author of Bribery and Corruption in Weak Institutional Environments (Cambridge 2019).
Summary
Leveraging its absolute power, low human rights advantage, and tolerance by other countries, the Chinese Communist Party has transformed China into a giant corporation. Living and working is not a right, but a privilege granted by the party. State-owned firms are business units or subsidiaries, private firms are joint ventures, and foreign firms are franchisees of the party. 'China, Inc.' enjoys the agility of a firm and the vast resources of a state. Meanwhile, foreign firms competing with Chinese firms can find themselves matched against the mighty Chinese state. The Rise of China, Inc. will interest many readers: it will compel business scholars to rethink state-firm relationships; assist multinational business practitioners in formulating effective strategies; aid policy-makers in countering China's expansion; and inform the public of the massive corporate organisation China has become, and how democracies can effectively deal with it.
Additional text
'A masterpiece in explaining the peculiar convergence – and complicity – of communist dictatorship and capitalist profiteering at the expense of Chinese people's wellbeing and the fate of global democratization. Li's work is a must-read for anyone who cares about human freedom and its predicament presented by the rise of the CCP, Inc.' M. Miles Yu, Professor, Department of History, United States Naval Academy
